അജ്ഞാതം


"ഡോട്ട് കമ്മ്യൂണിസ്റ്റ് മാനിഫെസ്റ്റോ" എന്ന താളിന്റെ പതിപ്പുകൾ തമ്മിലുള്ള വ്യത്യാസം

പരിഷത്ത് വിക്കി സംരംഭത്തിൽ നിന്ന്
തിരുത്തലിനു സംഗ്രഹമില്ല
('The dotCommunist Manifesto Eben Moglen* January 2003 A Spectre is haunting multinational capitalism--the spectre of free i...' താൾ സൃഷ്ടിച്ചിരിക്കുന്നു)
 
വരി 4: വരി 4:
A Spectre is haunting multinational capitalism--the spectre of free information. All the powers of ``globalism'' have entered into an unholy alliance to exorcize this spectre: Microsoft and Disney, the World Trade Organization, the United States Congress and the European Commission.
A Spectre is haunting multinational capitalism--the spectre of free information. All the powers of ``globalism'' have entered into an unholy alliance to exorcize this spectre: Microsoft and Disney, the World Trade Organization, the United States Congress and the European Commission.
Where are the advocates of freedom in the new digital society who have not been decried as pirates, anarchists, communists? Have we not seen that many of those hurling the epithets were merely thieves in power, whose talk of ``intellectual property'' was nothing more than an attempt to retain unjustifiable privileges in a society irrevocably changing? But it is acknowledged by all the Powers of Globalism that the movement for freedom is itself a Power, and it is high time that we should publish our views in the face of the whole world, to meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Free Information with a Manifesto of our own.
Where are the advocates of freedom in the new digital society who have not been decried as pirates, anarchists, communists? Have we not seen that many of those hurling the epithets were merely thieves in power, whose talk of ``intellectual property'' was nothing more than an attempt to retain unjustifiable privileges in a society irrevocably changing? But it is acknowledged by all the Powers of Globalism that the movement for freedom is itself a Power, and it is high time that we should publish our views in the face of the whole world, to meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Free Information with a Manifesto of our own.
===വിവർത്തനം===
ലോകമുതലാളിത്തത്തെ ഒരു ഭൂതം വേട്ടയാടിക്കൊണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നു - സ്വതന്ത്രവിജ്ഞാനമെന്ന ഭൂതം. ആഗോളീകരണത്തിന്റെ എല്ലാ ശക്തികളും : മൈക്രോസോഫ്റ്റും ഡിസ്നിയും, ലോക വ്യാപാര സംഘടനയും അമേരിക്കൻ ഐക്യനാടിന്റെ കോൺഗ്രസ്സും  യൂറോപ്യൻ കമ്മീഷനുമെല്ലാം ഈ ഭുതത്തെ ഉച്ചാടനം ചെയ്യാനായി (ഭൂതത്തിന്റെ ബാധയൊഴിപ്പിക്കാനായി) ഒരു അവിശുദ്ധ (പാവന) സഖ്യത്തിലേർപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു. നവഡിജിറ്റൽ സമൂഹത്തിലെ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യപോരാളികളിൽ ആരുണ്ട് കൊള്ളക്കാരെന്നും (പൈറേറ്റുകളെന്നും) അരാജകവാദികളെന്നും കമ്മ്യൂണിസ്റ്റുകളെന്നും വിധിക്കപ്പെടാത്തവരായിട്ട്?  അവേഹളനങ്ങൾ വാരിച്ചൊരിയുന്ന ഇവരിൽ മിക്കവരും അധികാരം കയ്യാളുന്ന കള്ളന്മാരും അവരുടെ “ബൌദ്ധിക സ്വത്തവകാശ” വാചമടി, സമൂഹത്തിൽ അനിവാര്യമായും മാറ്റത്തിന് വിധേയമാകേണ്ട, നീതീകരിക്കാനാവാത്ത കുത്തകാവകാശം നിലനിർത്താനുള്ള ശ്രമങ്ങളുടെ ഭാഗമാണെന്നും നാം കാണേണ്ടതില്ലേ ? എന്നാൽ, സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യത്തിനുവേണ്ടിയുള്ള പ്രസ്ഥാനം അതിനാൽ തന്നെ പുതിയൊരുശ്കതിയായി മാറുമെന്നത്  ആഗോളീകരണത്തിന്റെ ശക്തികളെല്ലാം അംഗീകരിക്കുന്നവസ്തുതയായിരിക്കെ, സ്വതന്ത്ര വിജ്ഞാനമെന്ന ഭൂതത്തെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള ഈ മുത്തശ്ശിക്കഥയെ നേരിടുന്നതിനായി മുഴവൻ ലോകത്തിനും മുന്നിലേക്ക് നമ്മുടെ കാഴ്ചപ്പാടുകൾ നമ്മുടേതായ ഒരു മാനിഫെസ്റ്റോയിലൂടെ  പ്രസിദ്ധപ്പെടുത്തേണ്ടതിന്റെ കാലം അതിക്രമിച്ചിരിക്കുന്നു.


ലോകമുതലാളിത്തത്തെ ഒരു ഭൂതം വേട്ടയാടിക്കൊണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നു - സ്വതന്ത്രവിജ്ഞാനമെന്ന ഭൂതം. ആഗോളീകരണത്തിന്റെ എല്ലാ ശക്തികളും : മൈക്രോസോഫ്റ്റും ഡിസ്നിയും, ലോക വ്യാപാര സംഘടനയും അമേരിക്കൻ ഐക്യനാടിന്റെ കോൺഗ്രസ്സും  യൂറോപ്യൻ കമ്മീഷനുമെല്ലാം ഈ ഭുതത്തെ ഉച്ചാടനം ചെയ്യാനായി (ഭൂതത്തിന്റെ ബാധയൊഴിപ്പിക്കാനായി) ഒരു അവിശുദ്ധ (പാവന) സഖ്യത്തിലേർപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു. നവഡിജിറ്റൽ സമൂഹത്തിലെ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യപോരാളികളിൽ ആരുണ്ട് കൊള്ളക്കാരെന്നും (പൈറേറ്റുകളെന്നും) അരാജകവാദികളെന്നും കമ്മ്യൂണിസ്റ്റുകളെന്നും വിധിക്കപ്പെടാത്തവരായിട്ട്?  അവേഹളനങ്ങൾ വാരിച്ചൊരിയുന്ന ഇവരിൽ മിക്കവരും അധികാരം കയ്യാളുന്ന കള്ളന്മാരും അവരുടെ “ബൌദ്ധിക സ്വത്തവകാശ” വാചമടി, സമൂഹത്തിൽ അനിവാര്യമായും മാറ്റത്തിന് വിധേയമാകേണ്ട, നീതീകരിക്കാനാവാത്ത കുത്തകാവകാശം നിലനിർത്താനുള്ള ശ്രമങ്ങളുടെ ഭാഗമാണെന്നും നാം കാണേണ്ടതില്ലേ ? എന്നാൽ, സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യത്തിനുവേണ്ടിയുള്ള പ്രസ്ഥാനം അതിനാൽ തന്നെ പുതിയൊരുശ്കതിയായി മാറുമെന്നത്  ആഗോളീകരണത്തിന്റെ ശക്തികളെല്ലാം അംഗീകരിക്കുന്നവസ്തുതയായിരിക്കെ, സ്വതന്ത്ര വിജ്ഞാനമെന്ന ഭൂതത്തെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള ഈ മുത്തശ്ശിക്കഥയെ നേരിടുന്നതിനായി മുഴവൻ ലോകത്തിനും മുന്നിലേക്ക് നമ്മുടെ കാഴ്ചപ്പാടുകൾ നമ്മുടേതായ ഒരു മാനിഫെസ്റ്റോയിലൂടെ  പ്രസിദ്ധപ്പെടുത്തേണ്ടതിന്റെ കാലം അതിക്രമിച്ചിരിക്കുന്നു.


==Owners and Creators==


Owners and Creators
ഉടമസ്ഥരും സൃഷ്ടാക്കളും


Throughout the world the movement for free information announces the arrival of a new social                structure, born of the transformation of bourgeois industrial society by the digital technology of its own invention.
Throughout the world the movement for free information announces the arrival of a new social                structure, born of the transformation of bourgeois industrial society by the digital technology of its own invention.
വ്യവസായ മുതലളിത്ത സമൂഹത്തിന്റെ തന്നെ കണ്ടുപിടുത്തമായ ഡിജിറ്റൽ സാങ്കേതിക വിദ്യയിൽ നിന്നും പിറക്കുന്ന ഒരു പുതുസമൂഹഘടനയുടെ പിറവിയെയാണ് സ്വതന്ത്ര വിജ്ഞാനത്തിന്റെ പ്രസ്ഥാനം ലോകമെമ്പാടും പ്രഖ്യാപിക്കുന്നത്     
        
        
The history of all hitherto existing societies reveals a history of class struggles.
The history of all hitherto existing societies reveals a history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, bourgeois and proletarian, imperialist and subaltern, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that has often ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, bourgeois and proletarian, imperialist and subaltern, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that has often ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
===വിവർത്തനം===
ഉടമസ്ഥരും സൃഷ്ടാക്കളും
വ്യവസായ മുതലളിത്ത സമൂഹത്തിന്റെ തന്നെ കണ്ടുപിടുത്തമായ ഡിജിറ്റൽ സാങ്കേതിക വിദ്യയിൽ നിന്നും പിറക്കുന്ന ഒരു പുതുസമൂഹഘടനയുടെ പിറവിയെയാണ് സ്വതന്ത്ര വിജ്ഞാനത്തിന്റെ പ്രസ്ഥാനം ലോകമെമ്പാടും പ്രഖ്യാപിക്കുന്നത്     
നാളിതുവരെ നിലനിന്നിട്ടുള്ള എല്ലാ സമൂഹങ്ങളുടേയും ചരിത്രം വർഗ്ഗസമരചരിത്രമാണു്.   
നാളിതുവരെ നിലനിന്നിട്ടുള്ള എല്ലാ സമൂഹങ്ങളുടേയും ചരിത്രം വർഗ്ഗസമരചരിത്രമാണു്.   
സ്വതന്ത്രനും അടിമയും, പട്രീഷ്യനും പ്ലെബിയനും, ജന്മിയും അടിയാനും, ഗിൽഡ് മാസ്റ്ററും വേലക്കാരനും മുതലാളിയും തൊഴിലാളിയും സാമ്രാജ്യവാദിയും പാർശ്വവൽക്കരിക്കപ്പെട്ടവനും - ചുരുക്കിപ്പറഞ്ഞാൽ മർദ്ദകനും മർദ്ദിതനും - തീരാവൈരികളായി നിലകൊള്ളുകയും ചിലപ്പോൾ ഒളിഞ്ഞും ചിലപ്പോൾ തെളിഞ്ഞും ഇടതടവില്ലാതെ പോരാട്ടം നടത്തുകയും ചെയ്തു. സമൂഹത്തിന്റെയാകെയുള്ള വിപ്ലവകരമായ പുനസ്സംഘടനയിലോ മത്സരിക്കുന്ന വർഗ്ഗങ്ങളുടെ പൊതുനാശത്തിലോ ആണു് ഈ പോരാട്ടം ഓരോ അവസരത്തിലും അവസാനിച്ചിട്ടുള്ളതു്.
സ്വതന്ത്രനും അടിമയും, പട്രീഷ്യനും പ്ലെബിയനും, ജന്മിയും അടിയാനും, ഗിൽഡ് മാസ്റ്ററും വേലക്കാരനും മുതലാളിയും തൊഴിലാളിയും സാമ്രാജ്യവാദിയും പാർശ്വവൽക്കരിക്കപ്പെട്ടവനും - ചുരുക്കിപ്പറഞ്ഞാൽ മർദ്ദകനും മർദ്ദിതനും - തീരാവൈരികളായി നിലകൊള്ളുകയും ചിലപ്പോൾ ഒളിഞ്ഞും ചിലപ്പോൾ തെളിഞ്ഞും ഇടതടവില്ലാതെ പോരാട്ടം നടത്തുകയും ചെയ്തു. സമൂഹത്തിന്റെയാകെയുള്ള വിപ്ലവകരമായ പുനസ്സംഘടനയിലോ മത്സരിക്കുന്ന വർഗ്ഗങ്ങളുടെ പൊതുനാശത്തിലോ ആണു് ഈ പോരാട്ടം ഓരോ അവസരത്തിലും അവസാനിച്ചിട്ടുള്ളതു്.
വരി 21: വരി 24:


The industrial society that sprouted from the worldwide expansion of European power ushering in modernity did not do away with class antagonisms. It but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. But the epoch of the bourgeoisie simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole seemed divided into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
The industrial society that sprouted from the worldwide expansion of European power ushering in modernity did not do away with class antagonisms. It but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. But the epoch of the bourgeoisie simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole seemed divided into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
ആധുനികതയെ സാദ്ധ്യമാക്കിയ ലോകവ്യാപകമായ യൂറോപ്യൻ അധികാരത്തിൽ നിന്നും മുളയെടുത്ത വ്യവസായവത്കൃത സമൂഹം വർഗ്ഗവൈരങ്ങളെ ഇല്ലായ്മ ചെയ്തിട്ടില്ല. പഴയവയുടെ സ്ഥാനത്തു് പുതിയ വർഗ്ഗങ്ങളേയും പുതിയ മർദ്ദനസാഹചര്യങ്ങളേയും പുതിയ സമരരൂപങ്ങളേയും പ്രതിഷ്ഠിക്കുക മാത്രമാണു ചെയ്തിട്ടുള്ളതു്. എന്നാൽ നമ്മുടെ കാലഘട്ടത്തിനു് - ബൂർഷ്വാസിയുടെ കാലഘട്ടത്തിനു് - ഈയൊരു സവിശേഷസ്വഭാവമുണ്ട്: അതു് വർഗ്ഗവൈരങ്ങളെ കൂടുതൽ ലളിതമാക്കിയിരിക്കുന്നു. സമൂഹമാകെത്തന്നെ രണ്ടു് ഗംഭീരശത്രുപാളയങ്ങളായി, പരസ്പരം അഭിമുഖമായി നിൽക്കുന്ന രണ്ടു് വലിയ വർഗ്ഗങ്ങളായി, കൂടുതൽ കൂടുതൽ ​പിളർന്നുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുകയാണു്: ബൂർഷ്വാസിയും തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗവുമാണ് അവ.
ആധുനികതയെ സാദ്ധ്യമാക്കിയ ലോകവ്യാപകമായ യൂറോപ്യൻ അധികാരത്തിൽ നിന്നും മുളയെടുത്ത വ്യവസായവത്കൃത സമൂഹം വർഗ്ഗവൈരങ്ങളെ ഇല്ലായ്മ ചെയ്തിട്ടില്ല. പഴയവയുടെ സ്ഥാനത്തു് പുതിയ വർഗ്ഗങ്ങളേയും പുതിയ മർദ്ദനസാഹചര്യങ്ങളേയും പുതിയ സമരരൂപങ്ങളേയും പ്രതിഷ്ഠിക്കുക മാത്രമാണു ചെയ്തിട്ടുള്ളതു്. എന്നാൽ നമ്മുടെ കാലഘട്ടത്തിനു് - ബൂർഷ്വാസിയുടെ കാലഘട്ടത്തിനു് - ഈയൊരു സവിശേഷസ്വഭാവമുണ്ട്: അതു് വർഗ്ഗവൈരങ്ങളെ കൂടുതൽ ലളിതമാക്കിയിരിക്കുന്നു. സമൂഹമാകെത്തന്നെ രണ്ടു് ഗംഭീരശത്രുപാളയങ്ങളായി, പരസ്പരം അഭിമുഖമായി നിൽക്കുന്ന രണ്ടു് വലിയ വർഗ്ഗങ്ങളായി, കൂടുതൽ കൂടുതൽ ​പിളർന്നുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുകയാണു്: ബൂർഷ്വാസിയും തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗവുമാണ് അവ.


 
===വിവർത്തനം===
But revolution did not by and large occur, and the ``dictatorship of the proletariat,'' where it arose or claimed to arise, proved incapable of instituting freedom. Instead, capitalism was enabled by technology to secure for itself a measure of consent. The modern laborer in the advanced societies rose with the progress of industry, rather than sinking deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. Pauperism did not develop more rapidly than population and wealth. Rationalized industry in the Fordist style turned industrial workers not into a pauperized proletariat, but rather into mass consumers of mass production. Civilizing the proletariat became part of the self-protective program of the bourgeoisie.
But revolution did not by and large occur, and the ``dictatorship of the proletariat,'' where it arose or claimed to arise, proved incapable of instituting freedom. Instead, capitalism was enabled by technology to secure for itself a measure of consent. The modern laborer in the advanced societies rose with the progress of industry, rather than sinking deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. Pauperism did not develop more rapidly than population and wealth. Rationalized industry in the Fordist style turned industrial workers not into a pauperized proletariat, but rather into mass consumers of mass production. Civilizing the proletariat became part of the self-protective program of the bourgeoisie.
എന്നാൽ വിപ്ലവം പൊതുവായി (പറഞ്ഞാൽ) സംഭവിച്ചില്ല, “തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗ സർവ്വാധിപത്യം “ ഉണ്ടായിടത്തോ, ഉണ്ടായിയെന്ന് അവകാശപ്പെട്ടിടത്തോ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യസ്ഥാപത്തിന് കഴിഞ്ഞില്ല എന്ന് തെളിയിക്കപ്പെടുകയും ചെയ്തു. (കഴിയാതെവരുകയും ചെയ്തു). തൽസ്ഥാനത്ത് സാങ്കേതിവിദ്യാ പിൻബലമുള്ള മുതലാളിത്തം അളവേറിയ പൊതുസമ്മതിനേടി സുരക്ഷിതമാകുകയും ചെയ്തു. വികസിത സമൂഹങ്ങളിലെ ആധുനിക തൊഴിലാളികൾ, തന്റെ സ്വന്തം വർഗ്ഗത്തിന്റെ നിലനിൽപ്പിന്റെ രൂപങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും ആഴങ്ങളിലേക്ക് മുങ്ങുന്നതിനേക്കാൾ വ്യവസായത്തിന്റെ വളർച്ചയ്കൊപ്പം  പിടിച്ചുനിന്നു. (ഉദിച്ചുവന്നു),  ജനസംഖ്യയുടെയും സമ്പത്തിന്റെയും വളർച്ചയേക്കാൾ  വലുതായി പാപ്പരീകരണം വളർന്നില്ല.
എന്നാൽ വിപ്ലവം പൊതുവായി (പറഞ്ഞാൽ) സംഭവിച്ചില്ല, “തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗ സർവ്വാധിപത്യം “ ഉണ്ടായിടത്തോ, ഉണ്ടായിയെന്ന് അവകാശപ്പെട്ടിടത്തോ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യസ്ഥാപത്തിന് കഴിഞ്ഞില്ല എന്ന് തെളിയിക്കപ്പെടുകയും ചെയ്തു. (കഴിയാതെവരുകയും ചെയ്തു). തൽസ്ഥാനത്ത് സാങ്കേതിവിദ്യാ പിൻബലമുള്ള മുതലാളിത്തം അളവേറിയ പൊതുസമ്മതിനേടി സുരക്ഷിതമാകുകയും ചെയ്തു. വികസിത സമൂഹങ്ങളിലെ ആധുനിക തൊഴിലാളികൾ, തന്റെ സ്വന്തം വർഗ്ഗത്തിന്റെ നിലനിൽപ്പിന്റെ രൂപങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും ആഴങ്ങളിലേക്ക് മുങ്ങുന്നതിനേക്കാൾ വ്യവസായത്തിന്റെ വളർച്ചയ്കൊപ്പം  പിടിച്ചുനിന്നു. (ഉദിച്ചുവന്നു),  ജനസംഖ്യയുടെയും സമ്പത്തിന്റെയും വളർച്ചയേക്കാൾ  വലുതായി പാപ്പരീകരണം വളർന്നില്ല.
വരി 37: വരി 41:
The advance of digital society, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the creators, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to association. Creators of knowledge, technology, and culture discover that they no longer require the structure of production based on ownership and the structure of distribution based on coercion of payment. Association, and its anarchist model of propertyless production, makes possible the creation of free software, through which creators gain control of the technology of further production.[1]  The network itself, freed of the control of broadcasters and other bandwidth owners, becomes the locus of a new system of distribution, based on association among peers without hierarchical control, which replaces the coercive system of distribution for all music, video, and other soft goods. Universities, libraries, and related institutions become allies of the new class, interpreting their historic role as distributors of knowledge to require them to offer increasingly complete access to the knowledge in their stewardship to all people, freely. The liberation of information from the control of ownership liberates the worker from his imposed role as custodian of the machine. Free information allows the worker to invest her time not in the consumption of bourgeois culture, with its increasingly urgent invitations to sterile consumption, but in the cultivation of her mind and her skills. Increasingly aware of her powers of creation, she ceases to be a passive participant in the systems of production and consumption in which bourgeois society entrapped her.
The advance of digital society, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the creators, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to association. Creators of knowledge, technology, and culture discover that they no longer require the structure of production based on ownership and the structure of distribution based on coercion of payment. Association, and its anarchist model of propertyless production, makes possible the creation of free software, through which creators gain control of the technology of further production.[1]  The network itself, freed of the control of broadcasters and other bandwidth owners, becomes the locus of a new system of distribution, based on association among peers without hierarchical control, which replaces the coercive system of distribution for all music, video, and other soft goods. Universities, libraries, and related institutions become allies of the new class, interpreting their historic role as distributors of knowledge to require them to offer increasingly complete access to the knowledge in their stewardship to all people, freely. The liberation of information from the control of ownership liberates the worker from his imposed role as custodian of the machine. Free information allows the worker to invest her time not in the consumption of bourgeois culture, with its increasingly urgent invitations to sterile consumption, but in the cultivation of her mind and her skills. Increasingly aware of her powers of creation, she ceases to be a passive participant in the systems of production and consumption in which bourgeois society entrapped her.
But the bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his ``natural superiors,'' and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous ``cash payment.'' It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value. And in place of the numberless and feasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
But the bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his ``natural superiors,'' and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous ``cash payment.'' It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value. And in place of the numberless and feasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
===വിവർത്തനം===
Against the forthcoming profound liberation of the working classes, whose access to knowledge and information power now transcends their previous narrow role as consumers of mass culture, the system of bourgeois ownership therefore necessarily contends to its very last. With its preferred instrument of Free Trade, ownership attempts to bring about the very crisis of over-production it once feared. Desperate to entrap the creators in their role as waged consumers, bourgeois ownership attempts to turn material deprivation in some parts of the globe into a source of cheap goods with which to bribe back into cultural passivity not the barbarians, but its own most prized possession--the educated technological laborers of the most advanced societies.
Against the forthcoming profound liberation of the working classes, whose access to knowledge and information power now transcends their previous narrow role as consumers of mass culture, the system of bourgeois ownership therefore necessarily contends to its very last. With its preferred instrument of Free Trade, ownership attempts to bring about the very crisis of over-production it once feared. Desperate to entrap the creators in their role as waged consumers, bourgeois ownership attempts to turn material deprivation in some parts of the globe into a source of cheap goods with which to bribe back into cultural passivity not the barbarians, but its own most prized possession--the educated technological laborers of the most advanced societies.
At this stage the workers and creators still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole globe, and remain broken up by their mutual competition. Now and then the creators are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry and that place the workers and creators of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern knowledge workers, thanks to the network, achieve in a few years.
At this stage the workers and creators still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole globe, and remain broken up by their mutual competition. Now and then the creators are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry and that place the workers and creators of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern knowledge workers, thanks to the network, achieve in a few years.
Freedom and Creation
Freedom and Creation
===വിവർത്തനം===
Not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons--the digital working class--the creators. Possessed of skills and knowledges that create both social and exchange value, resisting reduction to the status of commodity, capable collectively of producing all the technologies of freedom, such workmen cannot be reduced to appendages of the machine. Where once bonds of ignorance and geographical isolation tied the proletarian to the industrial army in which he formed an indistinguishable and disposable component, creators collectively wielding control over the network of human communications retain their individuality, and offer the value of their intellectual labor through a variety of arrangements more favorable to their welfare, and to their freedom, than the system of bourgeois ownership ever conceded them.
Not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons--the digital working class--the creators. Possessed of skills and knowledges that create both social and exchange value, resisting reduction to the status of commodity, capable collectively of producing all the technologies of freedom, such workmen cannot be reduced to appendages of the machine. Where once bonds of ignorance and geographical isolation tied the proletarian to the industrial army in which he formed an indistinguishable and disposable component, creators collectively wielding control over the network of human communications retain their individuality, and offer the value of their intellectual labor through a variety of arrangements more favorable to their welfare, and to their freedom, than the system of bourgeois ownership ever conceded them.
But in precise proportion to the success of the creators in establishing the genuinely free economy, the bourgeoisie must reinforce the structure of coercive production and distribution concealed within its supposed preference for ``free markets'' and ``free trade.'' Though ultimately prepared to defend by force arrangements that depend on force, however masked, the bourgeoisie at first attempts the reimposition of coercion through its preferred instrument of compulsion, the institutions of its law. Like the ancien régime in France, which believed that feudal property could be maintained by conservative force of law despite the modernization of society, the owners of bourgeois culture expect their law of property to provide a magic bulwark against the forces they have themselves released.
But in precise proportion to the success of the creators in establishing the genuinely free economy, the bourgeoisie must reinforce the structure of coercive production and distribution concealed within its supposed preference for ``free markets'' and ``free trade.'' Though ultimately prepared to defend by force arrangements that depend on force, however masked, the bourgeoisie at first attempts the reimposition of coercion through its preferred instrument of compulsion, the institutions of its law. Like the ancien régime in France, which believed that feudal property could be maintained by conservative force of law despite the modernization of society, the owners of bourgeois culture expect their law of property to provide a magic bulwark against the forces they have themselves released.
At a certain stage in the development of the means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
At a certain stage in the development of the means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
===വിവർത്തനം===
Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. But ``free competition'' was never more than an aspiration of bourgeois society, which constantly experienced the capitalists' intrinsic preference for monopoly. Bourgeois property exemplified the concept of monopoly, denying at the level of practical arrangements the dogma of freedom bourgeois law inconsistently proclaimed. As, in the new digital society, creators establish genuinely free forms of economic activity, the dogma of bourgeois property comes into active conflict with the dogma of bourgeois freedom. Protecting the ownership of ideas requires the suppression of free technology, which means the suppression of free speech. The power of the State is employed to prohibit free creation. Scientists, artists, engineers and students are prevented from creating or sharing knowledge, on the ground that their ideas imperil the owners' property in the system of cultural production and distribution. It is in the courts of the owners that the creators find their class identity most clearly, and it is there, accordingly, that the conflict begins.
Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. But ``free competition'' was never more than an aspiration of bourgeois society, which constantly experienced the capitalists' intrinsic preference for monopoly. Bourgeois property exemplified the concept of monopoly, denying at the level of practical arrangements the dogma of freedom bourgeois law inconsistently proclaimed. As, in the new digital society, creators establish genuinely free forms of economic activity, the dogma of bourgeois property comes into active conflict with the dogma of bourgeois freedom. Protecting the ownership of ideas requires the suppression of free technology, which means the suppression of free speech. The power of the State is employed to prohibit free creation. Scientists, artists, engineers and students are prevented from creating or sharing knowledge, on the ground that their ideas imperil the owners' property in the system of cultural production and distribution. It is in the courts of the owners that the creators find their class identity most clearly, and it is there, accordingly, that the conflict begins.
But the law of bourgeois property is not a magic amulet against the consequences of bourgeois technology: the broom of the sorcerer's apprentice will keep sweeping, and the water continues to rise. It is in the domain of technology that the defeat of ownership finally occurs, as the new modes of production and distribution burst the fetters of the outmoded law.
But the law of bourgeois property is not a magic amulet against the consequences of bourgeois technology: the broom of the sorcerer's apprentice will keep sweeping, and the water continues to rise. It is in the domain of technology that the defeat of ownership finally occurs, as the new modes of production and distribution burst the fetters of the outmoded law.
All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. Knowledge workers cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. Theirs is the revolutionary dedication to freedom: to the abolition of the ownership of ideas, to the free circulation of knowledge, and the restoration of culture as the symbolic commons that all human beings share.
All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. Knowledge workers cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. Theirs is the revolutionary dedication to freedom: to the abolition of the ownership of ideas, to the free circulation of knowledge, and the restoration of culture as the symbolic commons that all human beings share.
===വിവർത്തനം===
To the owners of culture, we say: You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property in ideas. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population. What they create is immediately appropriated by their employers, who claim the fruit of their intellect through the law of patent, copyright, trade secret and other forms of ``intellectual property.'' Their birthright in the electromagnetic spectrum, which can allow all people to communicate with and learn from one another, freely, at almost inexhaustible capacity for nominal cost, has been taken from them by the bourgeoisie, and is returned to them as articles of consumption--broadcast culture, and telecommunications services--for which they pay dearly. Their creativity finds no outlet: their music, their art, their storytelling is drowned out by the commodities of capitalist culture, amplified by all the power of the oligopoly of ``broadcasting,'' before which they are supposed to remain passive, consuming rather than creating. In short, the property you lament is the proceeds of theft: its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of everyone else. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any such property for the immense majority of society.
To the owners of culture, we say: You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property in ideas. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population. What they create is immediately appropriated by their employers, who claim the fruit of their intellect through the law of patent, copyright, trade secret and other forms of ``intellectual property.'' Their birthright in the electromagnetic spectrum, which can allow all people to communicate with and learn from one another, freely, at almost inexhaustible capacity for nominal cost, has been taken from them by the bourgeoisie, and is returned to them as articles of consumption--broadcast culture, and telecommunications services--for which they pay dearly. Their creativity finds no outlet: their music, their art, their storytelling is drowned out by the commodities of capitalist culture, amplified by all the power of the oligopoly of ``broadcasting,'' before which they are supposed to remain passive, consuming rather than creating. In short, the property you lament is the proceeds of theft: its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of everyone else. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any such property for the immense majority of society.
It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property in ideas and culture all creative work will cease, for lack of ``incentive,'' and universal laziness will overtake us.
It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property in ideas and culture all creative work will cease, for lack of ``incentive,'' and universal laziness will overtake us.
According to this, there ought to have been no music, art, technology, or learning before the advent of the bourgeoisie, which alone conceived of subjecting the entirety of knowledge and culture to the cash nexus. Faced with the advent of free production and free technology, with free software, and with the resulting development of free distribution technology, this argument simply denies the visible and unanswerable facts. Fact is subordinated to dogma, in which the arrangements that briefly characterized intellectual production and cultural distribution during the short heyday of the bourgeoisie are said, despite the evidence of both past and present, to be the only structures possible.
According to this, there ought to have been no music, art, technology, or learning before the advent of the bourgeoisie, which alone conceived of subjecting the entirety of knowledge and culture to the cash nexus. Faced with the advent of free production and free technology, with free software, and with the resulting development of free distribution technology, this argument simply denies the visible and unanswerable facts. Fact is subordinated to dogma, in which the arrangements that briefly characterized intellectual production and cultural distribution during the short heyday of the bourgeoisie are said, despite the evidence of both past and present, to be the only structures possible.
===വിവർത്തനം===
Thus we say to the owners: The misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production--this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.
Thus we say to the owners: The misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production--this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.
Our theoretical conclusions are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes.
Our theoretical conclusions are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes.
When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.
When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.
===വിവർത്തനം===
We, the creators of the free information society, mean to wrest from the bourgeoisie, by degrees, the shared patrimony of humankind. We intend the resumption of the cultural inheritance stolen from us under the guise of ``intellectual property,'' as well as the medium of electromagnetic transportation. We are committed to the struggle for free speech, free knowledge, and free technology. The measures by which we advance that struggle will of course be different in different countries, but the following will be pretty generally applicable:
We, the creators of the free information society, mean to wrest from the bourgeoisie, by degrees, the shared patrimony of humankind. We intend the resumption of the cultural inheritance stolen from us under the guise of ``intellectual property,'' as well as the medium of electromagnetic transportation. We are committed to the struggle for free speech, free knowledge, and free technology. The measures by which we advance that struggle will of course be different in different countries, but the following will be pretty generally applicable:
Abolition of all forms of private property in ideas.
Abolition of all forms of private property in ideas.
വരി 61: വരി 71:
Free and equal access to all publicly-produced information and all educational material used in all branches of the public education system.
Free and equal access to all publicly-produced information and all educational material used in all branches of the public education system.
By these and other means, we commit ourselves to the revolution that liberates the human mind. In overthrowing the system of private property in ideas, we bring into existence a truly just society, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.
By these and other means, we commit ourselves to the revolution that liberates the human mind. In overthrowing the system of private property in ideas, we bring into existence a truly just society, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.
 
===വിവർത്തനം===


*  Professor of Law, Columbia University Law School.
*  Professor of Law, Columbia University Law School.
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